In Memory of Gus Dur

Broad appeal vs core support

Tuesday April 7, 2009

CERITALAH
By KARIM RASLAN


Dynastic ambitions intertwine with Indonesian politics in Java as key players get ready to slug it out at Thursday’s polls.

ON THURSDAY, the world’s third largest democracy – Indonesia – goes to the polls. With over 171 million registered voters, this will probably be one of the most-anticipated elections ever held there.

Having followed the key players intermittently since the beginning of the year, I’ve concluded the first of the republic’s two-part electoral process (the presidential race is in July) in Central Java, spending time between the two great courtly cities of Solo and Jogjakarta, where some of the toughest and most intriguing Parliamentary contests will be taking place.

Solo (or Surakarta) straddles the Bengawan Solo, Java’s longest and most important river. It has been a vital trading route for centuries, carrying textiles, rice, teak and pepper on an eight-day journey to the port of Gresik on the Java Sea.

The centuries-old trade, along with the presence of the two royal houses – the Mangkunegaran and the Kasunanan – made Solo an important and prestigious centre for the Javanese throughout the Dutch colonial era.

Indeed in 1911, Sarekat Islam, a self-help association of pribumi traders, was founded in a city that is still buoyed by the remnants of an extremely vibrant commercial culture.

Encircled by rice fields, the city of Solo also happens to be in a volcanic region, with Gunung Lawu to the east and the Gunungs Merapi and Merbabu to the west. This had made its densely-populated land, which is also watered by the Bengawan, extremely fertile; and the city has been dubbed “Solo-raya”.

It’s an agricultural region with the added boon of a historically vibrant manufacturing base (witness the batik makers of the city’s Laweyan district) that fed into the dynamic trading tradition mentioned earlier.

Complex, diverse and multi-layered, “Solo-raya” has also been a vital vote-bank for Ibu Megawati Su karnoputri and her party, the PDI-P.

Syncretic Javanese beliefs continue to shape everyday lives in “Solo-raya” and the region’s large urban proletariat and rural population – thewong cilik (or little people) – remain ardent admirers of Bung Karno’s populist rhetoric.

Seemingly in acknowledgment of the fact that 2009 will be her last stab at the presidency, Megawati has tried to affect a regeneration of the party’s fortunes; and since the Sukarno name (and bloodline) is so critical in this respect, her own daughter – and presumed successor – Puan Maharani will be standing for a legislative seat in “Solo-raya”.

Having said that, the most impressive new face in the PDI-P line-up, and a possible rival to Sukarno’s mantle, is former student activist Budiman Sujatmiko. He is standing in the city of Cilacap in the westernmost end of the province of Central Java.

Still, Puan Maharani’s presence along with that of presidential hopeful Hidayat Nurwahid, the head of the ultra-conservative PKS, makes the contest in “Solo-raya” all the more interesting.

At the same time, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s painstakingly-crafted message of professionalism, moderation – and not to mention his vehement anti-corruption campaign – has transformed his Demokrat party into a strong local contender.

Moreover, his own son, Edhie Baskoro Yudhoyono, is standing as a Demokrat candidate in the adjoining constituency of Pacitan, which also happens to be the president’s birth-place.

As dynastic ambitions intertwine with national politics, many observers will be watching the results in this corner of the republic to get a sense of popular sentiment and trends going forward.

Does the Sukarno name still hold sway over the Indonesian electorate? Can Ibu Megawati reach beyond her core, nominally Muslim, abang ansupporters?

Will the Yudhoyonos succeed in establishing themselves as a new political dynasty? Can SBY challenge Ibu Megawati on her own home turf?

Can Pak Hidayat steer his staunchly Wahabi brethren in PKS into an accommodation with Javanese culture and thereby expand the appeal of his hitherto campus-based party to propel himself towards the presidency?

Suharto-era Solo (the birth-place of his wife Ibu Tien) was a relative boom town as Jogjakarta, with its virulently anti-establishment student population, was sidelined.

Instead, Solo and its environs became a major centre of influence and prestige for the New Order’s elite, so much so that countless senior government figures (or more importantly their wives), such as Harmoko the communications czar and presidential-aspirant Wiranto, were to come from Solo.

A legacy of that period is the city’s great wealth. As Pak Mulyanto, the editor-in-chief of the leading local newspaper Solopos, explains: “Solo is the second largest market for luxury cars in the country after Jakarta, ahead of Bandung and Medan, which are far larger cities.”

But the combination of money, power and influence hasn’t always been a happy one. In 1998 as simultaneous riots shook Java, Solo was among the worst-affected of its cities with scores of major buildings and department stores torched in a wave of violence and destruction that was to set the city back by nearly a decade.

Finally, the highly-charged electoral contests in Central Java reveal a fundamental difference between figures such as Ibu Megawati, Gus Dur and Amien Rais with current President Yudhoyono that underscores larger, national divisions.

All three leaders, key figures in the Reformasi process that led to Suharto’s ouster, have depended on core followers drawn from Indonesia’s political and socio-cultural streams, or aliran: Megawati with her abangan base, Gus Dur with his Nahdatul Ullama supporters and Amien Rais with the Muhamma diyah.

By way of contrast, President Yudhoyono has no core aliran or socio-cultural base.

Instead, he has built his appeal (and that of his party) by reaching out to the new constituencies that have emerged since 1998 – teachers, civil servants, small businessmen and women (especially housewives) – playing on their frustrations with the lawlessness, inertia and corruption that Suharto’s fall engendered.

SBY’s strategy means that his voter base reaches across the republic.

His coalition is a very modern and constantly evolving alliance of shared interests that he has adroitly assembled over the past five years.

Nevertheless, these voters aren’t wildly fanatical in their support, unlike his rival’s partisans. Rational and level-headed, they appear to be saying, “well, you haven’t done a bad job and we know you’re sincere so we’ll give you and your party a second term”.

Interestingly, Hidayat Nurwahid, Puan Maharani’s main competitor in “Solo-raya” is endeavouring to take very much the same tack – steering himself into the middle of the political spectrum in an attempt to project himself as either a potential running mate for, or even an alternative to, SBY.

Whether Pak Hidayat manages this manoeuvre or if Puan Maharani will be able to cement her place in the PDI-P’s succession will be revealed on Friday.

One thing is clear: we should never doubt Indonesia’s capacity to deliver political surprises.

Pluralist start to tiger year

Sunday February 21, 2010

Pluralist start to tiger year

Indonesian-Chinese youths take to the stage to create better understanding of their culture.

JAKARTA: On Saturday, just before the Chinese New Year, the sweet sound of modern and traditional Chinese love songs could be heard in every corner of the newly-opened Central Park mall in West Jakarta.

In a room in front of a huge pond on the first floor terrace, a group of young people were busy preparing for a series of shows.

Make-up artists were working their magic on several already stunning youth in that room, defining their brows and lips, while powdering their fair-skinned faces.

Quickly, these young people put on traditional Chinese clothes to cover their casual modern outfits. One of the teenagers was dressed as an emperor, wearing a shining golden robe and a typical Chinese crown, while his partner, an elegant Chinese girl, was dressed in a glowing yellow and red empress gown.

The stunning couple then modelled various traditional Chinese clothes.

Another young man with a long purple traditional Shanghai robe walked past, while his partner modelled a long pink robe.

The last couple wore Chinese traditional clothes from the Han Dynasty.

These young people are members of the Jakarta Koko Cici Society (Ikoci), a group made up of finalists and winners of a beauty pageant for Chinese-Indonesians. They spent a large part of the day modelling for a fashion show as well as performing in a traditional musical Chinese drama to greet the first day of Chinese Year of the Tiger.

The city administration, which started the beauty pageant in 2002, has been holding the event every year since then.

Spokeswoman of Ikoci, Evelyn Hartono, said her organisation’s mission was “to introduce Chinese-Indonesian culture to the society so that others can understand about our culture well enough and we can live side by side in peace.”

Discrimination against Chinese-Indonesians started under the Dutch rule, when the Chinese were separated from other ethnic groups to prevent unity across sections of the society. Chinese-Indonesians were soon seen as a successful business class, which other Indonesians considered as exclusive. This kind of stereotyping continued under the New Order government from 1966 to 1998.

Evelyn voiced hope that no one would ever call Chinese-Indonesians “You cina!” again.

She said she didn’t want another tragedy like the one that unravelled in 1998, where many Chinese-Indonesian women were raped and killed.

The young Chinese woman also explained, “These Koko and Cici are not only judged on their beauty, brain power and behaviour, like in any other beauty pageants, but also on their commitment as Chinese-Indonesians to preserve Chinese culture in Indonesia.”

“I consider myself as an Indonesian rather than a Chinese but I cannot deny my ethnicity,” said 21-year-old Alvin Tjondro, the Koko Jakarta 2009.

The 2009 Cici Jakarta, 19-year-old Vienna Chandra, said Chinese-Indonesians had not chosen their ethnicity.

“I have many friends from different ethnic and social economic backgrounds and I get along well with them,” said Vienna.

She also hoped people would stop discriminating against Chinese-Indonesians as after all, “we are Indonesians even though our ethnicity is Chinese”.

Later in the evening, Ikoci presented a popular traditional Chinese drama titled The White Snake Legend, the story of a white snake that turned into a beautiful lady and fell in love with a handsome young man.

For more than 30 years, Chinese-Indonesians could not celebrate Chinese New Year openly as a result of Soeharto’s rule on religion, beliefs and Chinese culture.

The late president Abdurrahman “Gus Dur” Wahid revoked the instruction on Jan 17, 2000, allowing Chinese-Indonesians to celebrate their culture openly. - The Jakarta Post

Farewell Gus Dur

Saturday January 16, 2010
Farewell Gus Dur
THINK ASIAN
By ANDREW SHENG



ON Dec 31, 2009, as we bade farewell to 2009, the news broke of the passing of Adburrahman Wahid, former president of Indonesia, more popularly known as Gus Dur. My wife and I were in Macassar, the capital of Sulawesi and watched the outpouring of affection and respect for the man who succeeded Presidents Habibie and Suharto at the end of the Suharto era.

We cannot understand Asian thinking without appreciating the passing of this Asian giant.

Gus Dur was only President for less than two years from Oct 20, 1999 to July 23, 2001, having been forced to cede powers to his vice-president, Megawati Soekarnoputri.

During this short but critical period when Indonesia was still suffering from the Asian financial crisis, Gus Dur gave Indonesia the political space necessary to consolidate its transition from an authoritarian regime to one of the most vibrant democracies in Asia.

Indonesia must be one of the most difficult countries in the world to govern, with 240 million people, the fourth largest country in the world in terms of population. With 17,000 islands straddling 5,000 km from east to west, the country is also the largest maritime country in the world, because its geographical coverage is one fifth larger than the United States.

Despite having the largest Muslim population in the world, the country is constitutionally secular, because it is also one of the most culturally diverse, having two hundred different spoken dialect and speech groups.

It is perhaps that Indonesia is so culturally and economically diverse that world-class art, design, literature and new thinking is being created. You only have to visit Bali to find artists of every country trying to find their own inspirations from this melting pot of cultures.

From the early ages, the Moluccas, for example, were the battleground for the Spice trade, in which Portuguese, Dutch, English, Arab, Chinese, Indian and local traders were already competing to bring these valuable condiments to the rest of the world. These economic intrusions left their indelible cultural imprints on Indonesian civilisation.

Gus Dur came to political power from a religious background. He was born into a family of impeccable religious credentials in Jombang, East Java. His grandfather founded the Muslim movement Nahdlatul Ulama, the largest religious organisation in Indonesia with 40 million members and his father was the first Indonesian Minister for Religious Affairs after independence.

He started early by being a teacher in a religious school (Madrasah) in his home town. In 1970, he received a scholarship to study at the University of Al-Azhar in Cairo, but never finished there. Instead, he moved to Baghdad University to complete his higher education.

In 1972, he returned to become a teacher at the University Hasyim Asyhari in his home town, as well as being a journalist and writer. From his direct contact with the Muslim community, he immersed himself in the development of the Muslim religious school movement (Pesantren), rising eventually to become a key leader of Nahdlatul Ulama.

In the 1980s, he came into political prominence because he participated actively in formulating the Pancasila philosophical foundation for Indonesia, namely, Belief in the one and only God, just and civilised humanity, the unity of Indonesia, democracy and social justice.

In 1998, even though he suffered a stroke that partially blinded him, he formed part of the reform movement that contested the 1999 presidential elections. He stood against Megawati and won, and then persuaded Megawati to stand as vice-president for the sake of national unity.

Although by his own admission he was not a great administrator, he made several key decisions that held Indonesia together during the tumultuous period after the Suharto regime. Significantly, he opened up the press, removed restrictions on use of the Chinese language and opened the way for reconciliation in the regional tensions with Irian Jaya (now West Papua) and Aceh.

What struck most people who have met Gus Dur was his humanity and open-mindedness to all issues and social problems. He was reputed to have said that he was less disappointed with the loss of his presidency than the loss of his recordings of Beethoven.

Here was a person well read not only in Islam, but also the philosophies of the West and the East and comfortable that no views were pre-eminent, because he was confident in his own faith and culture. In this sense, no Asian, nor indeed anyone, should feel fearful that his or her own beliefs or views will be drowned or tainted by the West or other beliefs. The world has become too big, too complex and too inter-connected for us to have closed minds.

There is, of course, nothing wrong with closing one’s own mind, because that is one’s own prerogative, but one should not endeavour to close other minds.

All leaders will be judged by history, some rightly, some wrongly. But they will be judged not just by what they achieved in their lifetime, but also by being themselves as human beings. The leaders that I have met and impressed me most were those who touched everyone who met them as sincere humanists, who believed passionately what they wanted to do and also recognised their own failings.

Gus Dur was such a leader. He had a great sense of humour, not failing to laugh at his own limitations. How can one not like the man who said, “Suharto was a New Order president, Habibie was In Order and I am No Order.”

·Andrew Sheng is Adjunct Professor at the University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur and Tsinghua University, Beijing.

Gus Dur’s immortal legacy

Achmad Munjid , Philadelphia | Fri, 01/08/2010 9:36 AM | Opinion

For most people involved with Islamic boarding schools, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) is not just an organization. NU is a genuine version of ahl sunnah wa al-jama’ah (or aswaja, which means the People of the Prophet’s Traditions and Community, the Sunni).

In this setting, Abdurrahman “Gus Dur” Wahid can be categorized as a wali (saint).

A wali in Sufi tradition is a friend of God’s, a moral guardian and protector of other creatures. In our time, what can be more articulate for the true meaning of a wali than Gus Dur’s life?

His life was an extraordinary example of the tireless struggle for freedom, equality and justice for all, deeply rooted in his Islamic faith.

His being literally accessible for everyone made him almost like a crystal to whom every type of group and individual might voice their hope and be assured of human solidarity: human rights activists, politicians, philosophers, clerics, interfaith thinkers, feminists, intellectuals, artists, students, spiritualists, peasants, religious and ethnic minorities, authors, international leaders — you name it.

His simple life was a rare example for more than 30 million NU members, most of them at the grass roots. In 1987, as the NU chairman, Gus Dur still lived in a rented house and frequently used crowded public transportation to get around the city.

For years he toiled in his office in the stifling Jakarta heat, with no air conditioning or even an electric fan.

In almost every aspect, Gus Dur was a giant: social class, intellectual capacity, political talent, religious piety. What made him even more unusual was his tireless schedule traveling around the country for silaturahmi (maintaining and improving social relations), to meet people, Muslim and non-Muslim alike, to share support and wisdom. He kept doing this even after becoming president, even after suffering for years from strokes, blindness, kidney failure, diabetes, etc., until the last days of his life.

Thanks to this intensive silaturahmi, not only did Gus Dur keep in touch with so many real people and their actual problems around the country, or bring great charismatic clerics such as Abdullah Faqih of Langitan to national attention, but he also gave due recognition and introduced local leaders of remote villages previously unknown, people like Shaikh Mas’ud of Cilacap — a collector of rare books written by classical Indonesian Muslim scholars.

Many other local leaders, values and wisdom from the Islamic boarding schools he discovered for the wider public.

His most frequent practice was probably the ziarah kubur (grave visit), which was also the most misunderstood both by modernist Muslims and secular groups. Regardless of how you may want to understand “the unseen world” — a key principle in Islamic faith — visiting a grave, especially to those of saints, is a very well-known practice of spiritual exercise in Sufism throughout Islamic history.

By performing this exercise properly and sufficiently, the human spirit will be purified and sensitized. It is this purity and sensitivity that enables a Muslim to translate Islamic faith beyond mere orthodoxy and orthopraxy. By way of ziarah — praying, chanting, dzikir, learning the lessons of the saints, deeply contemplating in the right time and psychological mood — one may get spiritual enlightenment that will draw one closer to God and human beings. That is why haul (death anniversary) is a popular part of Islamic boarding school tradition. Haul is not so much about remembering death as it is a celebration of life and its meaning in relation to the spiritual world.

Gus Dur may never remember my name. But I am among the tens of thousands of young NU people from remote Indonesian areas who have traveled to far-off countries to explore new horizons of ideas and realities, thanks to the inspiration he gave and difficult path he walked with sincerity and courage.

I am part of the Islamic boarding school generation, millions in number, born and raised during the Soeharto era. We were an ignored generation under Soeharto. Our attitude toward relations between Islam and modernity was very ambiguous. With no access, we were jealous about the many fascinations of modernity as displayed by Soeharto’s high modernism and development projects. On the other hand, we were so proud of Islamic learning and tradition that was branded backward and irrational, an obstacle to national development and even a potential enemy of the state.

We knew the government was corrupt, unjust and anti-Islamic, but it went unchallenged. We knew Islamic boarding schools were rich and had so much to offer, but we did not know how to unpack it.

We were so powerless and lost.

Thanks to Gus Dur, we learned that students of these schools did have an equally valuable heritage to offer the modern world, and we learned how to present it meaningfully. That Islam is completely compatible with the principles of modernity. That in order for Islam to be rahmatan lil ‘alamin (God’s mercy for the Universe), Muslims should be in sincere dialogue and total engagement with others regardless of their ethnicity, culture, worldview and faith.

At time when most people grow pessimistic about NU, Gus Dur became the loudspeaker who assuaged our optimism. He had unconditional and abundant love for his country, especially NU and more specifically young people.

“No single Muslim organization on Earth has as much potential as NU,” he said repeatedly and confidently to everybody.


The writer is the president of the NU community in North America and a PhD student in religious studies at Temple University, Philadelphia, US.

Gus Dur father of pluralism

Gus Dur father of pluralism
JAKARTA Dec.31 — President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has described former president Abdurrahman Wahid or Gus Dur as the father of pluralism for uniting the multi-racial and multi-religious country.
"He is the father of pluralism and multi-culturalism. He used his wisdom to end discrimination and held diversity of the people in high regard,” said Susilo at Gus Dur”s funeral service at Pondok Pesantren Tebu Ireng, Jombang, East Jawa here today.
Gus Dur had shown his strong commitment as a defender of minorities and during his presidency, the Chinese New Year was recognised as a national holiday.
Susilo said Gus Dur had set an example that Islam was a source of peace and tolerance and inspired many imminent people at the national and international levels.
"He will be remembered for his efforts in enhancing democracy in Indonesia. In early 90s, Gus Dur along with other eminent persons organised a democracy forum to spread the democratic concept through strategies and development,” he added. - Bernama
Friday, January 1, 2010
Gus Dur pemimpin berwawasan


KUALA LUMPUR 31 Dis. – Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak menyifatkan bekas Presiden Indonesia, Abdurrahman Wahid atau Gus Dur yang meninggal dunia semalam sebagai seorang pemimpin yang berwawasan jauh demi negaranya.

Perdana Menteri berkata, Gus Dur adalah seorang negarawan dan cendekiawan yang sentiasa berusaha membawa perubahan kepada Indonesia selari dengan nilai-nilai murni Islam.
“Impak Gus Dur dalam membentuk Indonesia tidak boleh dipandang rendah,” kata Najib dalam blognya, www.1Malaysia.com.

Gus Dur, 69, meninggal dunia pada pukul 6.45 petang semalam ketika di rawat di hospital di Jakarta akibat kegagalan jantung, ginjal dan masalah gula dalam darah.

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ARKIB : 01/01/2010
Gus Dur selamat dikebumi

Daripada BORHAN ABU SAMAH
borhan.samah@utusan.com.my



Anggota tentera Indonesia mengusung keranda jenazah Allahyarham Abdurrahman Wahid diiringi para penyokongnya pada majlis pengkebumiannya di Jombang, Jawa Timur, semalam. – AFP

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JAKARTA 31 Dis. – Presiden keempat Indonesia, Abdurrahman Wahid hari ini selamat dikebumikan di Kompleks Pondok Pesantren Tebu Ireng, Jombang, Jawa Timur.

Upacara pengkebumian diketuai Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono diiringi laungan takbir, tahlil serta tangisan beribu-ribu hadirin.

“Saya Presiden Republik Indonesia atas nama negara dan Tentera Nasional Indonesia (TNI), dengan ini mempersembahkan ke persada ibu pertiwi jiwa raga dan jasa Almarhum Abdurrahman Wahid, Presiden Republik Indonesia keempat, putera dari Wahid Hasyim, yang telah meninggal dunia, pada 30 Disember 2009, pukul 6.45 petang waktu Indonesia barat, kerana sakit,” kata Susilo ketika menyerahkan jenazah Abdurrahman Wahid untuk pemakaman.

Tambah Susilo, semoga baktinya kepada negara dan bangsa Indonesia menjadi teladan dan rohnya mendapat tempat yang sewajarnya.

Susilo turut menyebut Gus Dur sebagai Bapa Pluralisme.

Menurut Susilo, Gus Dur merupakan tokoh utama yang mendorong perubahan demokrasi di Indonesia.

“Semasa hidupnya, Gus Dur mengajarkan kita semua untuk menghargai kemajmukan. Ia merupakan bapak pluralisme dan multikulturisme Indonesia,” jelasnya.

Menurut Susilo, Gus Dur juga merupakan tokoh penting dalam perkembangan Islam di Indonesia dan Gus Dur disebut sebagai seorang pemimpin dan pemikir Islam yang diakui dunia.

Jenazah Abdurrahman diturunkan ke liang lahat pada pukul 1.30 petang oleh Panglima TNI, Jeneral Djoko Santoso dibantu anggota TNI daripada pelbagai angkatan dan disaksikan oleh Susilo dan Naib Presiden, Boediono serta Menteri Kabinet Indonesia.

Setelah jenazah diturunkan, bendera Merah Putih yang menyelimuti keranda dilipat dan isteri Gus Dur, Siti Sinta Nuriyah kemudian menaburkan bunga sebelum liang lahat ditutup dengan tanah, diikuti oleh anggota keluarga lainnya.

Anak perempuan Gus Dur, Yenny Wahid yang masih kesedihan terpaksa dipapah.

Susilo mengumumkan Indonesia berkabung selama seminggu dan bendera Merah Putih dikibarkan separuh tiang sepanjang tempoh itu.

Menteri di Jabatan Perdana Menteri, Datuk Jamil Khir Baharom mewakili Malaysia pada upacara pengkebumian Gus Dur.

Beliau diiringi isteri Datin Fatmawati Saidin serta Timbalan Ketua Setiausaha III Wisma Putra Datuk Iskandar Sarudin dan Setiausaha Bahagian Asia Tenggara Wisma Putra, Datuk Adnan Othman.



Zannuba Arifah (tengah) yang juga dikenali sebagai Yenny Wahid memegang keranda bapanya sebelum jenazah Abdurrahman Wahid dikebumikan di Jombang, wilayah timur Jawa, semalam. – REUTERS

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Turut menghadiri upacara itu ialah Duta Besar Malaysia ke Indonesia, Datuk Syed Munshe Afdzaruddin Syed Hassan dan dua orang pegawai daripada Kedutaan Besar Malaysia ke Indonesia.

Gus Dur, 69, meninggal dunia pada pukul 6.45 petang, semalam, di Hospital Cipto Mangunkusumo setelah mengalami kemerosotan kesihatan

berikutan penyakit kencing manis, jantung dan angin ahmar.

Beliau, yang memerintah Indonesia dari 1999 hingga 2001, ialah pengasas Parti Kebangkitan Bangsa (PKB), sebuah parti politik yang berasaskan Islam.

Gur Dur menggantikan Presiden B.J. Habibie setelah dipilih oleh Majlis Permesyuaratan Rakyat (MPR) hasil Pilihan Raya Umum 1999.

Beliau dilahirkan pada 4 Ogos 1940, di Jombang, Jawa Timur, Gus Dur dan mendapat pendidikan di Universiti Baghdad, Iraq di Fakulti Adad Jurusan Sastera Arab dari 1966 hingga 1970, serta Universiti Al-Azhar, Kaherah, Mesir di Fakulti Syariah dari 1964 hingga 1966.

Gus Dur meninggalkan seorang balu Sinta Nuriyah dan empat orang anak perempuan Alissa Qotrunnada Munawaroh, Zannuba Arifah Chafsoh, Annita Hayatunnufus dan Inayah Wulandari. – Utusan



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ARKIB : 31/12/2009
Najib ucap takziah kepada keluarga Gus Dur
31/12/2009 8:34pm


KUALA LUMPUR 31 Dis. — Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak hari ini menyampaikan ucapan takziah kepada keluarga bekas presiden Indonesia Abdurrahman Wahid dan rakyat Indonesia atas kematiannya.

Pemimpin Indonesia itu, dengan panggilan mesra Gus Dur, 69, meninggal akibat komplikasi kesihatan di Jakarta petang semalam.

"Impak Gus Dur dalam pembentukan Indonesia tidak dapat dipandang ringan.

Selaku negarawan dan cendekiawan, beliau berjuang untuk membawa perubahan dan reformasi yang mengandungi nilai-nilai Islam,” kata Perdana Menteri mengenai tinggalan Gus Dur dalam blognya www.1malaysia.com.my - Bernama



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ARKIB : 31/12/2009
Jamil Khir wakili Malaysia di permakaman negara untuk Gus Dur
31/12/2009 12:27pm


JAKARTA 31 Dis — Menteri di Jabatan Perdana Menteri Datuk Jamil Khir Baharom mewakili Malaysia pada upacara pengkebumian negara bekas Presiden Indonesia Abdurrahman Wahid atau Gus Dur di Jombang, Jawa Timur tengah hari ini.

Beliau, yang diiringi isteri Datin Fatmawati Saidin serta Timbalan Ketua Setiausaha III Wisma Putra Datuk Iskandar Sarudin dan Setiausaha Bahagian Asia Tenggara Wisma Putra Datuk Adnan Othman, berlepas dengan pesawat khas Tentera Udara Diraja Malaysia (TUDM) dari Kuala Lumpur ke Jawa Timur pagi ini.

Turut sama menghadiri upacara itu ialah Duta Besar Malaysia ke Indonesia Datuk Syed Munshe Afdzaruddin Syed Hassan dan dua orang pegawai daripada Kedutaan Besar Malaysia ke Indonesia, kata Timbalan Ketua Perwakilan Kedutaan Besar Malaysia di sini, Amran Mohamed Zain.

Sementara itu, pada pukul 8.10 pagi ini (Waktu Indonesia Barat) jenazah Gus Dur diterbangkan dengan pesawat Tentera Nasional Indonesia (TNI) Angkatan Udara dari pangkalan udara Halim Perdana Kusuma di sini ke Surabaya.

Jenazah beliau sebelum itu dibawa keluar dari kediamannya di Ciganjur, Jakarta Selatan dalam sebuah kenderaan jenazah dengan penuh penghormatan negara pada satu upacara yang dipimpin Ketua Majlis Permusyawaratan Rakyat (MPR) Taufik Kiemas.

Gus Dur akan disemadikan bersebelahan dengan makam datuknya Hasyim Asy’ari, pengasas pertubuhan Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) di kawasan permakaman keluarga di Pondok Pesantren (pusat pengajian Islam) Tebu Ireng, Jombang, Jawa Timur pada tengah hari ini. - Bernama

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ARKIB : 31/12/2009
Gus Dur meninggal dunia

Daripada Borhan Abu Samah
borhan.samah@utusan.com.my



Gus Dur

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JAKARTA 30 Dis. – Bekas Presiden Indonesia, Abdurrahman Wahid, (gambar) 69, meninggal dunia pada pukul 6.45 petang ini (waktu Indonesia Barat) ketika dirawat di Hospital Cipto Mangunkusumo di sini.

Adik kandung Abdurrahman, Sholahudin Wahid mengesahkan kematian Abdurrahman yang lebih dikenali sebagai Gus Dur dan merupakan Presiden Indonesia keempat itu.

“Saya mendapat khabar beliau meninggal. Khabar yang saya terima beliau meninggal pada pukul 6.45 petang,” kata Gus Sholah kepada pemberita.

Presiden Indonesia, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono dan para menteri, kenamaan, ahli keluarga serta rakan-rakan Gus Dur menziarahi jenazah Allahyarham di hospital berkenaan malam ini.

Allahyarham Gus Dur yang merupakan anak sulong daripada enam adik beradik akan dikebumikan di Jombang, Jawa Timur iaitu tempat kelahirannya.

Kesihatan Gus Dur merosot ketika menziarahi kubur Ibu Nyai Fatah di Pesantren Bahrul Ulum Tambak Beras, Jombang, Jawa Timur pada 24 Disember lalu.

Berikutan itu Gus Dur dikejarkan ke Hospital Swadana Jombang kemudian dipindahkan ke Hospital Cipto Mangunkusumo pada 25 Disember lalu.

Gigi Gus Dur dicabut berikutan gusinya yang membengkak dan beliau juga terpaksa menjalani rawatan dialisis di hospital berkenaan.

Pengarah Hospital Cipto Mangunkusumo, Akmal Taher berkata, Gus Dur meninggal dunia akibat kegagalan jantung, ginjal dan masalah gula di dalam darah.

Sementara itu Ketua Dewan Perwakilan Pusat Parti Demokrat, Anas Urbaningrum menyifatkan kematian Gus Dur merupakan kehilangan terbesar kepada bangsa Indonesia.

“Kita kehilangan tokoh besar yang kita sendiri tidak tahu bila lahir penggantinya,” kata Anas melalui khidmat pesanan ringkas (SMS) yang dikirimkan kepada media.

Beliau juga berkata, Gus Dur menjadi pemecah kebekuan dan kejumudan pemikiran. Dalam pada itu Susilo mengarahkan semua acara sambutan tahun baru dibatalkan bagi menghormati kematian Gus Dur. – Utusan

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